Alberto Gonzales

  • December 15, 2011

    by Nicole Flatow

    Former George W. Bush attorneys general Michael Mukasey and Alberto Gonzales are expressing alarm over Republican presidential primary candidate Newt Gingrich’s latest proposal to eviscerate the power of the courts, Fox News reports.

    Mukasey calls some of the ideas in Gingrich’s position paper “dangerous, ridiculous, totally irresponsible, outrageous, off-the-wall and would reduce the entire judicial system to a spectacle," and Gonzales takes particular aim at the suggestion that Congress subpoena judges after controversial rulings, saying, “I cannot support and would not support efforts that would appear to be intimidation or retaliation against judges." 

    In his 28-page paper, "Bringing the Courts Back Under the Constitution," Gingrich suggests a number of radical ways in which the legislative and executive branches should rein in “lawless judges,” including by eliminating courts they don’t like, limiting the scope of decisions those courts can make, and simply ignoring Supreme Court decisions.

    On Gingrich’s suggestion that the entire U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit be eliminated, Mukasey says, “The fact is the Constitution empowers the Supreme Court to establish lower federal courts. Presumably it can undo lower federal courts. But to say that you are going to undo an entire court -- simply because you don't like some of their decisions -- when there are thousands of cases before that court is totally irresponsible."

    Mukasey and Gonzales echo the concerns of several other commentators, who have expressed particular alarm over Gingrich’s attack on the landmark decision Cooper v. Aaron, in which all nine members of the Supreme Court affirmed a court order calling for desegregation. 

    “If he had his way, a Supreme Court that ordered an end to racist segregation policies would become a puppet of the political branches,” The New York Times editorial board asserts.

    In her New York Times Opinionator column, American Constitution Society Board Member Linda Greenhouse calls “truly head-spinning” the “tenuous hold that this screed, from a onetime history professor, has on American history.”  She continues:

  • August 20, 2010
    Alberto Gonzales is not making news when he calls the nation's immigration system broken. The current administration and other individuals and entities say the same thing about the nation's system of handling undocumented workers and families.

    But, the former Attorney General, who left his post during the George W. Bush administration because of increasing tensions with Congress and some outrageously poor legal advice, such as maintaining that the Geneva Conventions' restrictions on interrogating military detainees do not apply to America's war efforts in Iraq and Afghanistan, has offered more opposition to talk of undoing the Constitution's 14th Amendment.

    In a column for The Washington Post, Gonzales adds his voice to other conservatives who have come out against Sen. Lindsey Graham's argument that the 14th Amendment's citizenship clause should be repealed. That clause guarantees citizenship to anyone born in the country regardless of race, color or status of one's parents or ancestors. As noted by Professor Garrett Epps in a piece for The Atlantic, Graham's call for trashing the 14th Amendment, which was joined by a gaggle of other conservative senators, is all about riling voters during the midterm elections, noting that talk of constitutional amendments often crops up during election time (think Bush I's promotion of an amendment to ban flag burning, and Bush II's use of the federal marriage amendment).

    Gonzales says he opposes amending the constitution because such action "should be reserved for extraordinary circumstances that we cannot address effectively through legislation or regulation. Because most undocumented workers come here to provide for themselves and their families, a constitutional amendment will not solve our immigration crisis."

    He continues that an immigration policy, among other things, should "promote commerce and strengthen our economy."

    For more discussion on immigration reform watch video of a discussion between Labor Secretary Hilda L. Solis and the AFL-CIO's Richard Trumka here. Video of a plenary panel discussion at the 2010 ACS National Convention, "Immigration Reform: Congress and the States," is here.

  • May 14, 2009
    BookTalk
    Bad Advice
    Bush’s Lawyers in the War on Terror
    By: 
    By Harold H. Bruff, Charles Inglis Thomson Professor of Law, University of Colorado at Boulder
    President Bush received bad advice from his lawyers regarding some crucial decisions in the war on terror, including National Security Agency surveillance of American citizens, detention and trial by military commission of suspected terrorists, and authorization of harsh interrogation techniques-the torture question. In each of these contexts, the President's lawyers made broad and even unprecedented claims of unilateral executive power after a secret process of decision. Their advice exceeded the bounds of professional responsibility.

    Legal advice to a President is always sympathetic to his policy goals. Advisers feel political and personal loyalty to the President who selected them. Competition for influence within the administration fosters telling a President what he wants to hear. Also, the culture of the Executive Branch ensures sympathy. Given these powerful incentives to support the President's policy agenda, what can and should constrain the lawyers? First, there is the obligation of the oath to defend the Constitution that they all take. The lawyers also have a second obligation in their professional responsibility to "exercise independent professional judgment and render candid advice." As Robert Jackson said, "the value of legal counsel is in the detachment of the advisor from the advised." We expect that distance from professionals of all kinds, our doctors for example.

    To buttress the duty of independent judgment, executive advisers need to accept the principle of the Steel Seizure case that Congress can lay down the law, even in time of war. Support of a broad initiative power for the executive is fully consistent with this principle. Some of President Bush's lawyers followed a theory that the executive has broad unilateral power in the foreign realm that Congress may not control, except perhaps by withholding funds or impeachment. This risks a destabilizing pursuit of executive hegemony, one very erosive of the rule of law.