balanced budget amendment

  • December 14, 2011

    by Jeremy Leaming

    A proposed balanced budget amendment is dead, for now. The Senate defeated two versions of the measure aimed at enshrining in the Constitution a demand that the federal government maintain a balanced budget.

    The House handily defeated a version, similar to one Congress nearly passed in 1995, last month. The Senate, however, had to vote on a so-called balanced budget amendment because of the deal reached in late summer to end the debt-ceiling debacle. The Senate, mostly along Party lines, rejected two versions of a balanced budget amendment.

    Sen. Dick Durbin, (D-Ill.), speaking from the Senate floor yesterday, said some of his colleagues “believe we should enshrine in our Constitution their views of what the federal budget should look like. They want to radically reshape our constitutional framework in order to relieve Congress of its political and moral responsibility to make tough choices about taxing and spending. They want to tie the hands of Congress on budget decisions and pass important decisions on to another branch of government, our federal judiciary.”  

    “This is not what the Founding Fathers intended,” Durbin continued. “The Constitution gives the power of the purse expressly to Congress. Fulfilling the constitutional duty carries some political risk, but we all signed up for that job. Members of Congress should not try to change the Constitution to avoid their duty to make tough and important decisions.”

    Earlier this month, Alan B. Morrison, a distinguished law professor at George Washington University, testified before a Senate panel against a balanced budget amendment. Morrison, in part, said the measures being considered would likely force the federal courts into budgetary matters. He said that “thrusting the courts into budget battles is to me, and I believe to most others who have given the matter any serious thought, a terrible idea.” Morrison’s entire testimony is available here.

    Durbin, during his floor remarks, cited Morrison’s testimony, saying, “He asked the basic question: Who is going to enforce this amendment? If in fact Congress does something in violation of the amendment, who can sue? And which court would consider it? It is a valid question because ultimately this will end up in the courts. The courts will have to make some rather unique decisions. What are the outlays and receipts of the United States? What was the gross domestic product? These are issues which many in the court may find challenging if not impossible to deal with on a timely basis.”

  • December 2, 2011

    by Jeremy Leaming

    A proposed constitutional amendment to mandate a balanced budget has already failed in the House, but senators must also vote on a version before the end of the year as required by the debt-ceiling deal reached in the summer.

    Beginning to consider a balanced budget measure, the Senate Judiciary’s Subcommittee on the Constitution, Civil Rights and Human Rights, earlier this week, heard from detractors and supporters of the idea that has been embraced by a slew of states and mulled in Congress for more than a decade. A measure similar to the one the House defeated last month was rejected by Congress in 1995.

    Alan B. Morrison, an associate dean of George Washington University Law School for Public Interest and Public Service Law, and a distinguished law professor, told the Subcommittee the balanced budget amendment was a “bad idea,” and urged the Senate to “vote it down and get back to the real work of controlling our deficits.”

    Morrison, who helped found Public Citizen Litigation, where he was involved in separation of powers cases, many of which reached the Supreme Court, said, in part, that the proposed amendments would likely shove courts into deciding budgetary matters.

    He told senators that “thrusting the courts into budget battles is to me, and I believe to most others who have given the matter any serious thought, a terrible idea. At the very least, it is very strong medicine. But if that is what the sponsors think is needed, they should have the courage to say so. On the other hand, if the cure of judicial review is seen as worse than the ills of an unbalanced budget, Congress should make that clear in the amendment itself. If that option is taken, then the amendment will probably end up being little more than empty rhetoric, to be followed when it is convenient, and ignored when it is not. Meanwhile, serious efforts to bring our spending more in line with our revenues will be put on the back burner while Congress relies on the hope that the balanced budget amendment will do its job.”

    Morrison’s entire testimony is available here. Video of the hearing is available on the Subcommittee’s website.

  • November 18, 2011

    by Jeremy Leaming

    The House, led by Democratic members, defeated a proposed constitutional amendment to mandate a balanced budget. Opponents of the so-called balanced budget amendment argued that the proposed measure contained no mechanism for ensuring that the federal budget would indeed be balanced and would require courts to intervene in sorting out budgetary matters.

    The measure, similar to one the House passed in 1995, mandates that the federal government could not spend more revenue than it takes in. The proposed amendment, pushed by Rep. Robert Goodlatte (R-Va.), was defeated by a 261 – 165 vote, The Associated Press reports.

    “A constitutional amendment is not a path to a balanced budget,” Rep. Lloyd Doggett (D-Texas) said. “It is only an excuse for members of this body failing to cast votes to achieve one.”

    Earlier this week, Rep. Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.) sent a letter to fellow Democrats opposing the amendment, and urging them to read an ACS Issue Brief released this week examining “the dangers of enshrining a balanced budget requirement within the Constitution.”

    Rep. Hollen’s letter concluded, “A Constitutional amendment that cannot easily be enforced to balance the budget is a hollow gesture that at the very least will be ineffective. At the very worst, a balanced budget amendment enshrined within the Constitution could generate a Constitutional impasse with catastrophic consequences.”

    The ACS Issue Brief by Neil Kinkopf, a Georgia State University law school professor, states, in part, that the proposed amendment “provides no express enforcement mechanism. The leading proposals simply declare that total outlays shall not exceed total receipts, without explaining how this balanced budget is to be achieved. Merely imposing a mandate does not mean Congress will be able to fulfill it.”

  • November 16, 2011

    by Nicole Flatow

    Passage of a balanced budget amendment would “threaten to tear irrevocably the fabric of our constitutional structure,” warns separation of powers expert Neil Kinkopf in a new ACS Issue Brief.

    With the House of Representatives set to vote on a balanced budget amendment proposal this week, Kinkopf’s Issue Brief explains the dangers of inserting policy prescriptions into our founding document.

    Kinkopf, a law professor at the Georgia State University, notes that only once in our history did the Constitution dictate an outcome, when the 18th Amendment was passed, but “[s]uch a failure was this deviation from the Constitution’s design that it stands as the only amendment ever to be repealed.”

    “The founding generation faced divisive controversies that were every bit as momentous as the present-day budget crisis," Kinkopf writes. "Yet they consciously designed the Constitution not to resolve these issues, instead leaving them to be resolved through the constitutionally ordained process of legislation in compliance with constitutionally guaranteed individual rights.”

  • July 22, 2011

    by Nicole Flatow

    A constitutional amendment to balance the nation’s budget is set to be considered by the House of Representatives next week, and its chances for passage appear low. “But the fact that so many House members support the amendment is alarming," writes former Acting Solicitor General Walter Dellinger in The New York Times. "[I]f it were to become law, it would do grave harm to our constitutional system, because the process for enforcing it would be uncertain and perilous."

    Dellinger, a partner at O’Melveny & Myers and a member of the American Constitution Society’s Board of Advisors, explains in an op-ed that an amendment mandating that “[t]otal outlays for any fiscal year shall not exceed total receipts for that fiscal year” places an “empty promise” in our Constitution and could have a “very corrosive effect.”  

    Because of the many implementation and enforcement questions raised by a balanced budget amendment, the entire budget process is likely to end up in court, Dellinger suggests, particularly given that new versions of the amendment “clearly contemplate judicial involvement and even provide that members of Congress can bring lawsuits to enforce the limits.”

    “Allowing federal judges to make fundamental decisions about spending whenever outlays threatened to exceed receipts would be an extraordinary expansion of judicial authority,” Dellinger writes.

    Even conservative constitutional scholar Robert H. Bork has warned that such an amendment would result in “hundreds, if not thousands, of lawsuits around the country, many of them on inconsistent theories and providing inconsistent results.”

    On the other hand, if courts declined to get involved in the budget process, "it would render the amendment unenforceable," Dellinger notes.

    It would be wonderful if we could declare that from this day forward the air would be clean, our children well educated and the budget forever in balance. But merely putting such things in the Constitution — as some foreign governments have done — would not make them happen.