Citizens United online symposium

  • January 31, 2011
    Guest Post

    This post is part of an ACSblog symposium marking the one-year anniversary of the landmark decision Citizens United v. FEC. The author, Daniel JH Greenwood, is a professor at Hofstra University School of Law, where he researches corporate governance and the role of corporations in our economy and democracy. He co-authored an amicus brief in Citizens United on behalf of the American Independent Business Alliance.
    A year later, Citizens United still looks like the modern Lochner v. New York. This case may well come to symbolize the Court's contribution to our modern Gilded Age and its destruction of the foundations of prosperity and democracy.

    Lochner symbolizes the Old Court's turning the Civil War Amendments on their heads. The Fourteenth Amendment promised African-Americans, and indeed all Americans, the rights of citizenship, equal protection and due process of law. The Court, instead, ruled that American citizens had fought the Civil War in order to forfeit our right to use democratic government to protect ourselves against the arbitrary power of "malefactors of great wealth."

    The Gilded Age's concentration of power and wealth in the hands of a few, symbolized and furthered by Lochner's rejection of basic American values, led straight to the Great Depression. Neither democracy nor market capitalism can long survive if entrenched economic power is permitted to set the rules of competition so that it always wins. When ordinary Americans lacked the power to demand wages high enough to buy the products and services they produced, the resulting shortage of demand nearly destroyed the system.

    Today, we are again in a crisis caused by a similarly radical upward shift of power and wealth. In sector after sector, economic incumbents have amassed enough power to be able to shift the rules in their own favor. We have raised CEO and banker pay, at the direct cost of ordinary employee wages, to the point where our major firms increasingly resemble the world's kleptocracies. The wonder is not that so many have collapsed, Enron-style, into complete corruption or, dot.com and housing-style, into utter incompetence and misallocation, but that so many manage to last so long, emulating the Soviet and Third World autocracies in their fantastically wealthy elites and long slow slides into collective failure.

  • January 28, 2011
    Guest Post

    By Dan Tokaji, Professor of Law, Ohio State University, Moritz College of Law. Professor Tokaji is also a member of the ACS Board of Directors. This post is part of an ACSblog symposium marking the one-year anniversary of the landmark decision in Citizens United v. FEC.
    Contrary to popular belief, the most significant aspect of last year's Citizens United v. FEC was not its conclusion that corporations have free speech rights. The Supreme Court actually settled this question long ago. Nor is the main problem the influx of anonymous corporate spending on federal elections. Citizens United may have exacerbated this problem, but it existed before - and, at any rate, identification of big spenders can be addressed through tougher disclosure and reporting laws.

    The most significant and damaging aspect of the Citizens United decision was its obliteration of equality as a rationale that may sometimes justify limits on political spending. Overruling this aspect of the decision is a precondition to real campaign finance reform. In thinking about what can be done to promote political equality, the United States would do well to consider Canada's example.

    Citizens United was correct to affirm that campaign-related expenditures - whether made by corporations or by individuals - have an expressive quality that warrants some degree of constitutional protection. Where the Court erred was in failing to recognize the consequences of the fact that money is essential to political participation. If effective electoral speech requires money, then those without money lack an equal voice in our democracy. The ultimate consequence is to skew political debate in favor of the wealthy, both in terms of who gets elected to office and the decisions they make once in office. This is anathema to a democracy committed to the principle of "one person, one vote." In effect, the have-alots have a much greater say in our political system than the rest of us.

    Students of American campaign finance law might note that Citizens United's rejection of equality is nothing new. That is partly true. Since Buckley v. Valeo (1976), the Court has purported to forbid campaign spending restrictions designed to promote equality. Buckley famously prohibited government from "restrict[ing] the speech of some elements of our society in order to enhance the relative voice of others." On this basis, the Court struck down limits on individual expenditures in federal campaigns.

  • January 25, 2011
    Guest Post

    This post is part of an ACSblog symposium marking the one-year anniversary of the landmark decision in Citizens United v. FEC. The author, Joseph Sandler, is a member of the firm Sandler, Reiff & Young P.C. and an election law expert. Sandler participated in an ACS panel discussion and ACSblog video interview about the decision last February.
    From the vantage point of its one-year anniversary, the biggest surprise about the Citizens United decision was not the decision itself nor its consequences for the 2010 campaign. Rather, it was the successful effort by Republican and conservative forces to keep secret the sources of much of the independent expenditures made possible by that decision.

  • January 25, 2011
    Guest Post

    This post is part of an ACSblog symposium marking the one-year anniversary of the landmark decision in Citizens United v. FEC. The author, Elizabeth B. Wydra, is chief counsel for the Constitutional Accountability Center. CAC filed an amicus brief in Citizens United with the League of Women Voters.
    It has been just over a year since a 5-4 majority of the Supreme Court ruled in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission that corporations have a constitutional right to spend unlimited amounts of money from their general treasuries to influence our Nation's elections. With President Obama scheduled to give his State of the Union address tonight, it is also, of course, one year since the President spoke out against the Citizens United decision (and in return got the infamous headshake from Justice Samuel Alito).

    The American people were with Obama last year, and it appears that, a year later, the American people still agree with the President's denunciation of Citizens United. According to a new poll, "[f]ully 79% of voters support passage of a Constitutional amendment to overturn the Supreme Court's decision in the Citizens United case and make clear that corporations do not have the same rights as people." The problem of corporate money in the political system was made far worse by Citizens United, to be sure, and "We the People" might indeed need to amend the Constitution to right the wrongs wrought by the Supreme Court's decision. But the fundamental problem of Citizens United - the idea that artificial corporate entities enjoy the same constitutional rights that living, breathing human beings do - doesn't come from a defect in the Constitution that requires a correction. It stems instead from the Court's conservative majority's fundamentally flawed view of the Constitution and corporate personhood.

    As detailed in a Constitutional Accountability Center report entitled "A Capitalist Joker: The Strange Origins, Disturbing Past and Uncertain Future of Corporate Personhood in American Law," Citizens United and its view of corporate rights cannot be squared with the Constitution's text and history or with Court precedent.

  • January 24, 2011
    Guest Post

    By Geoffrey R. Stone, the Edward H. Levi Distinguished Service Professor, The University of Chicago Law School. Professor Stone is also Chair of the ACS Board of Directors. This post is part of an ACSblog symposium marking the one-year anniversary of the landmark decision in Citizens United v. FEC.
    The decision in Citizens United v. FEC poses an interesting puzzle about judicial consistency. The general assumption is that "conservative" justices are deferential and restrained in their interpretation of the Constitution. Citizens United stands this assumption on its head.

    After the era of the Warren Court, political conservatives like Richard Nixon attacked the Court as activist. The proper stance of a judge should be more passive. A judge should not second-guess the reasonable judgments of legislatures. Nixon therefore appointed justices - Burger, Blackmun, Powell and Rehnquist - who would be appropriately conservative - that is, restrained - in their exercise of the power of judicial review. They would not make the same "mistake" as the liberal justices of the Warren Court by too readily substituting their own judgments about the nature of a good society for those of elected officials. Justices respecting this approach certainly would not have voted to invalidate the McCain-Feingold Bipartisan Campaign Act.

    In the 1980s, political conservatives came up with a new theory of constitutional interpretation - originalism. The core idea of originalism was that, although the baseline for judicial interpretation should be restraint, justices were justified in being more muscular in their application of the Constitution when they were carrying out the original understanding of those who enacted the particular provision at issue in any given case. By so doing, originalist justices would avoid the activism of the Warren era, but avoid the abdication of judicial responsibility that is inherent in across-the-board judicial restraint. Whatever one thinks of originalism as an interpretative approach (I don't think much of it), it certainly leads to the opposite result in Citizens United. No one could argue with a straight-face that the original understanding of the First Amendment was to invalidate laws limiting the amount of money corporations could spend to elect their favored candidates.

    One has to wonder, then, what possessed the five conservative justices - Roberts, Kennedy, Scalia, Thomas, and Alito - to reach the result they did. Of course, this is hardly the only anomaly in the performance of these justices. There activist votes to invalidate laws in other areas, like affirmative action, gun regulation and commercial advertising, pose the same puzzle. If their votes are not shaped by the values of restraint or originalism, what is the underlying theory of their jurisprudence? Are they just calling balls and strikes?