Elizabeth Wydra

  • June 24, 2011
    Guest Post

    By Elizabeth B. Wydra, Chief Counsel, Constitutional Accountability Center. This analysis is cross posted at CAC’s Text & History blog.


    Two years ago in Wyeth v. Levine, the Supreme Court refused to allow federal food and drug law to displace state consumer-safety law.  Instead, the Court held that Diana Levine, a Vermont musician whose arm had to be amputated after Levine suffered adverse effects from Wyeth’s brand-name drug, Phenergan, could hold the drug manufacturer liable under state failure-to-warn laws—laws which hold drug and other manufacturers responsible for inadequate safety labels.  Yesterday, in a 5-4 ruling, the Supreme Court held in PLIVA, Inc. v. Mensing that generic drug manufacturers may not be sued under state failure-to-warn law because it would be “impossible” for the generic drug manufacturers to comply with both state failure-to-warn law and federal law.  Given the nearly identical storylines, how did the Supreme Court come up with a happy ending for consumers in Wyeth but a happy ending for big business in PLIVA?

    To be sure, there are important differences between the labeling laws for brand-name and generic drugs.  Federal law, for example, requires a generic drug to carry the same label as the brand-name drug it replicates.  But this “duty of sameness” for generic manufacturers is tempered by a duty under federal law to report problems with generic drugs.  So, while generic drug manufacturers cannot unilaterally change their labels, they can—and must—approach the FDA to seek to revise a drug’s label when they have reasonable evidence of a serious problem with the drug.  Such a label change would then go into effect for both brand-name and generic drugs. There is no guarantee, of course, that the FDA will act based on the information provided by the generic drug manufacturer, but the manufacturer’s attempt to achieve a safe and adequate warning label would nonetheless likely serve as a defense to state liability.  In other words, if the generic manufacturer did what it could under federal law, a state failure-to-warn claim should be preempted by federal law because it would be impossible for the manufacturer to comply with both federal and state law.

    But if a generic drug manufacturer doesn’t even try to comply with federal drug safety law and state failure-to-warn standards, it is difficult to see how it is “impossible” for the manufacturer to comply with both sets of laws.  As Justice Sotomayor explained in her PLIVA dissent, “because federal law affords generic manufacturers a mechanism for attempting to comply with their state-law duties to warn, . . . federal law does not categorically pre-empt state-law failure-to-warn claims against generic manufacturers.”  

    For the majority, led by Justice Thomas, to find impossibility preemption in this context is to twist the word “impossibility” beyond recognition.

  • June 14, 2011
    Guest Post

    By Elizabeth Wydra, Chief Counsel, Constitutional Accountability Center


    In New Hampshire’s Republican presidential debate this week, former Minnesota Governor Tim Pawlenty made the following remarkable statement:

    This issue of birthright citizenship, again, brings up the importance of appointing conservative justices. That result is because the U.S. Supreme Court determined that that right exists, notwithstanding language in the Constitution.

    Is it remarkable that Pawlenty (pictured) supports appointing conservative justices to the Supreme Court?  Of course not.  But it is truly astonishing for a candidate for President of the United States to speak with such ignorance of the words of the Constitution.  After all, the Constitution itself, in Article II, section 1, requires the President to swear or affirm that he or she will “preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States.”  That’s pretty hard to do if you don’t know what the Constitution says. 

    The Constitution’s 14th Amendmentprovides that “[a]ll persons born or naturalized in the United States and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside.”  This language plainly lays out a constitutional rule of citizenship at birth.  No question. 

    Pawlenty’s claim that “the U.S. Supreme Court determined that [the right to citizenship at birth] exists, notwithstanding language in the Constitution,” is thus totally mind-boggling given that the Constitution spells out such a right.  But let’s give Pawlenty the benefit of the doubt and assume that he intended to make a narrower point: that activist judges somehow made up the rule that constitutional citizenship attaches at birth for children born on U.S. soil to non-citizens.  Such a claim would be flat wrong as well.

    In fact, one thing that is striking when you compare the debate over birthright citizenship today with the debates in Congress in 1866 over the 14th Amendment’s Citizenship Clause is that, in 1866, both the proponents and opponents of the Citizenship Clause agreed that the Clause recognizes and protects birthright citizenship for the children—including children of aliens—born on U.S. soil.  (It should be noted, however, that birthright citizenship today is not necessarily a partisan issue.  Many prominent conservatives, from Linda Chavez to Lou Dobbs, recognize that the Constitution provides citizenship at birth for children born on U.S. soil, including children born to undocumented immigrant parents.)  

  • February 9, 2011
    The Cato Institute has unleashed an ad campaign apparently intended to help Americans understand the Constitution that instead apes the Tea Party's skewed views of the nation's founding document, as Elizabeth Wydra writes in a post for the Constitutional Accountability Center's Text & History blog.

    Cato's ad, appearing in newspapers, such as The Washington Post, says that citing the Constitution is important, but understanding it is "critical." It then provides a page of text that, as Wydra points, makes clear that Cato, a self-described libertarian group, has missed the boat on understanding.

    As Wydra points out, the Cato ad takes aim at constitutional powers of Congress, specifically its powers to tax, to regulate commerce and its broad power to enact laws "necessary and proper" to carry out its constitutional duties. Cato claims that Congress's powers have "since the New Deal been read as authorizing Congress to do far more than was ever imagined by those who wrote the Constitution," leading to an out-of-control federal government.

    Cato's wrong, Wydra says. She writes:

    Undeterred by the actual text and history of our Constitution, Cato joins an impressive array of forces that have been doing everything they can to convince Americans that our Constitution somehow establishes a weak central government incapable of acting to address national issues like health care reform, environmental protection, and financial system reform.

    ...

    This is nothing less than a concerted campaign to plant in Americans' heads the ideas that the federal government has transgressed the bounds of our Nation's charter and dangerously overreached.

    The problem is that the Tea Party and their allies are seeking to return to a different founding document than our actual U.S. Constitution - what they really want is a return to the failed Articles of Confederation. As my colleague David Gans and I explained in Constitutional Accountability Center's Issue Brief entitled Setting the Record Straight: the Tea Party and the Constitutional Powers of the Federal Government, the Articles of Confederation established the weak central government apparently so beloved by Cato and the Tea Party. But the Articles' experiment in weak central government was a complete failure, which is why it was jettisoned, as the Founders came together to craft a ‘more perfect union' that expressly vested the federal government with enumerated but significant powers to act in the Nation's interest. Cato's ad today pretends that the Articles were never discarded, and that the idea of a hobbled, weak central government is not a historical loser.

    Yesterday, ACS published an Issue Brief by Simon Lazarus who says the forces behind the legal theories aimed at bringing down the landmark health care law are similarly looking for a return to a time when the Constitution was understood as sharply limiting the federal government's ability to address nation issues.

    "If successful," Lazarus writes, "the challenges would be a major step toward reinstating a web of tight constitutional constraints on congressional authority that conservative Supreme Court majorities repeatedly invoked during the first third of the 20th century to strike down economic regulatory laws. In the late 1930s and thereafter, the Supreme Court jettisoned this conservative activist jurisprudence, replacing it with constitutional interpretations supporting Progressive Era, New Deal, Great Society, and kindred reforms."

  • January 25, 2011
    Guest Post

    This post is part of an ACSblog symposium marking the one-year anniversary of the landmark decision in Citizens United v. FEC. The author, Elizabeth B. Wydra, is chief counsel for the Constitutional Accountability Center. CAC filed an amicus brief in Citizens United with the League of Women Voters.
    It has been just over a year since a 5-4 majority of the Supreme Court ruled in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission that corporations have a constitutional right to spend unlimited amounts of money from their general treasuries to influence our Nation's elections. With President Obama scheduled to give his State of the Union address tonight, it is also, of course, one year since the President spoke out against the Citizens United decision (and in return got the infamous headshake from Justice Samuel Alito).

    The American people were with Obama last year, and it appears that, a year later, the American people still agree with the President's denunciation of Citizens United. According to a new poll, "[f]ully 79% of voters support passage of a Constitutional amendment to overturn the Supreme Court's decision in the Citizens United case and make clear that corporations do not have the same rights as people." The problem of corporate money in the political system was made far worse by Citizens United, to be sure, and "We the People" might indeed need to amend the Constitution to right the wrongs wrought by the Supreme Court's decision. But the fundamental problem of Citizens United - the idea that artificial corporate entities enjoy the same constitutional rights that living, breathing human beings do - doesn't come from a defect in the Constitution that requires a correction. It stems instead from the Court's conservative majority's fundamentally flawed view of the Constitution and corporate personhood.

    As detailed in a Constitutional Accountability Center report entitled "A Capitalist Joker: The Strange Origins, Disturbing Past and Uncertain Future of Corporate Personhood in American Law," Citizens United and its view of corporate rights cannot be squared with the Constitution's text and history or with Court precedent.

  • January 5, 2011
    Guest Post

    Editor's Note: Elizabeth Wydra authored an ACS Issue Brief on the 14th Amendment's birthright citizenship clause and the efforts by some Tea Party groups and others to undermine the clause, which provides citizenship to babies born on American soil. Wydra is updating the Issue Brief, which will be released later this year. In light of the ongoing movement to curtail the citizenship clause, we are re-posting Wydra's blog post regarding her Issue Brief, "Birthright Citizenship: A Constitutional Guarantee."


    By Elizabeth Wydra, Chief Counsel, Constitutional Accountability Center
    The opening sentence of the Fourteenth Amendment is both sweeping and clear: "All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside." As discussed in my recent ACS Issue Brief, the words and history of this constitutional text establish that it provides automatic citizenship-"birthright citizenship"-to anyone born in this country regardless of race, color or status of one's parents or ancestors.

    Despite the plain language of the Amendment and its powerful history, opponents of birthright citizenship continue to fight its meaning and purpose. Most of the efforts to narrow the meaning of birthright citizenship have been motivated by a desire to exclude from citizenship children born on U.S. soil to undocumented immigrants. Unfortunately, this anti-citizenship political movement shows no signs of slowing: in Congress, bills have been introduced each year for more than a decade to end automatic citizenship for persons born on U.S. soil to parents who are in the country illegally; in California, signatures are being gathered for a ballot proposition that would create a sub-class of U.S.-born citizens by issuing different birth certificates to children born in the United States to undocumented immigrant parents; and, in the 2008 presidential campaign, several Republican candidates expressed skepticism that the Constitution even guarantees birthright citizenship.

    The anti-citizenship arguments are debunked in detail in my Issue Brief. But the fatal flaws in these arguments are not the most compelling reasons for rejecting them in favor of the broad and clear definition of citizenship intended by our Reconstruction Framers. Rather, the text, history and principles behind the Citizenship Clause demonstrate that the drafters of the Fourteenth Amendment created an elegantly simple and intentionally fixed rule of birthright citizenship that was intended to serve as a long-overdue fulfillment of the promise of inalienable freedom and liberty in the Declaration of Independence. Providing for birthright citizenship regardless of race, color or previous condition of servitude righted the horrible wrong of Dred Scott v. Sandford, in which the Supreme Court held that persons of African descent born in the United States could not be citizens under the Constitution, and ensured that all native-born children, whether members of an unpopular minority or descendants of privileged ancestors, would have the inalienable right to citizenship and all its privileges and immunities.