health care

  • March 26, 2012

    by Jeremy Leaming

    Regardless of the loads of attention that the Supreme Court oral arguments will continue to draw the remainder of the week, the tone of the justices’ questions and their reaction to answers are unlikely to reveal much about how the challenges to the law will be resolved.

    Talking with ACSblog, constitutional law professor, Garrett Epps said there is no way to predict the outcome because “in a case of this magnitude, the Court reacts to the emotional and political overtones of the issue. And certainly the state challengers and the private challengers have done their best to raise the emotional tone of these arguments.”

    The high court commenced three days of oral argument this morning in the challenges to the Obama administration’s landmark health care reform law, the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, or Affordable Care Act (ACA), or Obamacare. Today’s oral argument centered on whether an 1867 law, the Anti-Injunction Act, permits the law to be challenged at this time – a standing issue. Before chatting with ACSblog about the oral arguments, Epps noted that Slate senior editor Dahila Lithwick had recently tweeted, that if the health care law oral arguments “were the Beatles, the Tax Anti Injunction Act would be Ringo.”

    Epps, also legal affairs editor for The American Prospect, stuck to what many experts on the law say is its integral part, the minimum coverage provision. That provision requires many, starting in 2014, to purchase a minimum amount of health care coverage or pay a penalty on their income tax filings. The opponents of the ACA have argued the provision is an “unprecedented” governmental regulation.

    Indeed, as Epps noted, the state and individual challengers of the law have spent lots of time and energy trying to paint the law as a wild overreach by the federal government.

  • March 23, 2012
    Guest Post

    By Sara Rosenbaum, Harold and Jane Hirsh Professor, Health Law and Policy, George Washington University School of Public Health and Health Services. This post is part of an ACSblog online symposium around oral arguments on the Affordable Care Act. 


    When the curtain rises on the Affordable Care Act arguments before the United States Supreme Court, the nation will be fully engaged in what is perhaps the most important legal examination in generations regarding Congress’s constitutional powers to tackle issues of unsurpassed social and economic concern. Although Chief Justice Roberts has likened the role of the courts to that of an umpire in a baseball game, one can hope that the Justices will view the case for its broader significance for the health care system as a whole, as well as for the 32 million children and adults whose access to health insurance rests great measure in their hands. A declaration that the Act is unconstitutional will not merely nullify its provisions. Under federal budgeting principles, it will effectively roll the federal health reform spending baseline back to zero. The likelihood that Congress will, anytime soon, find the $1.5 trillion needed to make coverage affordable for nearly all Americans is slim to nil, something that the Act’s opponents frankly are banking on.

    It was perhaps inevitable that health care would be the issue to trigger a full-throated debate over the constitutional relationship between the federal government and American society. The signature domestic policy achievement of the Obama Administration, the Act stands as a testament to lawmakers’ ability to devise national solutions that simultaneously weave a wide array of existing laws – Medicaid for the poorest Americans, tax subsidies for low and moderate income individuals and families, and federal laws that regulate the behavior of insurers in the marketplace – into a complex legislative intervention of universal scope and impact.

  • March 12, 2012
    Guest Post

    By Sidney Shapiro, University Distinguished Chair at Wake Forest University School of Law and a member scholar at the Center for Progressive Reform. This commentary is cross-posted at CPRBlog.


    In 1975, Indiana lawmakers joined a small but growing group of state legislatures passing aggressive medical malpractice “reforms.” Indiana’s law capped damages that victims of medical malpractice can recover at $500,000 and eliminated damages for pain-and-suffering altogether, Frank Cornelius, a lobbyist for the Insurance Institute of Indiana, played a role in helping pass this legislation. Twenty years later, Cornelius suffered a tragic series of negligent medical errors that left him wheelchair-bound, dependent on a respirator to breathe, and requiring a morphine drip for continuous physical pain. Facing medical expenses and lost wages of $5 million if he lived to retirement age, Cornelius experienced first-hand the effects of his lobbying for the insurance industry: he was forced to settle his claims for the $500,000 limit. In an op-ed in The New York Times several years later, Mr. Cornelius told his story, expressing regret and noting, sadly, if ironically, that the reforms he brought had failed to control health care spending in Indiana.

    In pursuing their assault on the civil justice system, corporate lobbyists support legislation like that passed in Indiana by arguing the tort system leads to “defensive medicine.” A new Center for Progressive Reform White Paper, The Truth About Torts: Defensive Medicine and the Unsupported Case for Medical Malpractice ‘Reform,’ refutes their claim that “defensive medicine” is a reason for increasing health care costs. My CPR colleague, Tom McGarity and I, along with CPR analysts Nicholas Vidargas and James Goodwin, show how conservative and business interests press their claims about defensive medicine despite the fact that there is no reasonable evidence to support their arguments.

    As health care spending in the United States has grown, corporate lobbyists have pressed their case that physicians react to their perceived litigation risk by practicing “defensive medicine,” making medical decisions to avoid potential litigation, instead of with their patients’ health and safety in mind. Sure, doctors are mindful of the threat of litigation, and may change their behavior accordingly. But, according to recent research, at best only about 2 percent of all health care costs may be attributable to “defensive medicine.” The actual number, however, is likely to be less. Even the analysts who estimate that defensive medicine is responsible for 2 percent of health care costs recognize the evidence supporting that number is weak.

  • December 9, 2011

    by Jeremy Leaming

    A recent opinion from the California Supreme Court regarding a county’s effort to reduce costs by forcing older workers out of the health insurance risk pool provides a prime example of the vital importance the individual mandate is to the Affordable Care Act, Catherine Fisk, a distinguished law professor, writes for the Daily Journal.

    Fisk, the Chancellor’s Professor of Law at the University of California, Irvine School of Law, explores the California high court’s rejection of “Orange County’s attempt to exclude retired workers from the county’s health insurance risk pool,” which she says was proven to be “both unconstitutional and unwise.”

    As Fisk explains, Orange County officials in an effort to address budgetary matters “unilaterally changed the way it pools employees for purposes of setting health insurance premiums.” Essentially county officials forced retired employees to pay higher health insurance premiums. The state’s high court sent the case back to a trial court to hear retired employees’ argument that county officials had violated a contractual agreement by altering its health insurance benefits.

    Fisk writes:

    This decision shows that Orange County went about controlling its health insurance costs in exactly the wrong way, by attempting to separate those who are more expensive to insure from everyone else. For health insurance to remain affordable to everyone, especially older people or people with catastrophic illnesses or injuries, the risk pool on which the insurance premiums are based must remain diverse. Insurance is all about spreading risk. Healthy people subsidize health insurance for the unhealthy; experienced drivers subsidize auto insurance for younger drivers.

  • November 14, 2011
    Guest Post

    By Fazal Khan, a law professor at the University of Georgia specializing in health law. Prof. Khan has both law and medical degrees.


    Today the U.S. Supreme Court confirmed what most of us expected, announcing that it will review the constitutionality of the Affordable Care Act. As the justices begin to deliberate, they would be wise to look to a masterful amicus brief by prominent constitutional law scholar Kathleen Sullivan as a meaningful template for Supreme Court action.

    Sullivan’s brief, in which she asks the Court to grant cert in the 11th Circuit case that the justices today accepted, addresses those arguments most likely to concern Justice Anthony Kennedy, the swing vote on the Court, and provides ample support from Justice Kennedy’s record to suggest he will and should vote to uphold the law. Before detailing the arguments in Sullivan’s brief, filed on behalf of the California Endowment ("a private foundation committed to the expansion of affordable, quality health care for all Californians"), I summarize below how we reached this point.