Jeffrey D. Clements

  • January 26, 2012
    BookTalk
    Corporations Are Not People
    Why They Have More Rights Than You Do and What You Can Do About It
    By: 
    Jeffrey D. Clements

    By Jeffrey D. Clements, the co-founder and general counsel of Free Speech for People and founder of Clements Law Office, LLC. Clements is author of the new book Corporations Are Not People, which explores the disastrous impact of the Citizens United opinion on democracy and proposes a constitutional amendment to restore government to the people.


    As the nation increasingly embraces the constitutional amendment solution to Citizens United v. FEC, a new proposition regarding so-called “corporate personhood” is emerging. It’s a proposition, which the notorious Citizens United decision actually had nothing to do with.

    Last week, for example, my friend Kent Greenfield cast a skeptical eye, in an op-ed for The Washington Post, on the “anti-corporate activists” who support a constitutional amendment to reverse Citizens United. (My own view competed the next day in a Boston Globe op-edwith Congressman Jim McGovern, the lead sponsor of the People’s Rights Amendment.)

    As an initial matter, no one should assume that the 79 percent of Americans who favor a constitutional amendment to reverse Citizens United are “anti-corporate,” whatever that means. After all, 1,000 business leaders have called for a constitutional Amendment, as have legal scholars, lawyers, former state attorneys general, serving attorneys generals, dozens of cities and town representative bodies and millions of Americans.

    The argument that corporations in fact are “people” under the Constitution, or at least that we ought to continue the tacit amendment of the Constitution that pretends that they are, at least has the virtue of frankness. Less credible, is the argument that Citizens United and the larger “corporate speech” theory under the First Amendment is not really about corporate rights at all, but merely about protecting associational rights of people.

    Professor Greenfield argues that the Supreme Court in Citizens United got “the result” wrong but at least it asked “the right question.”  No, the Court got the result wrong because the Court asked the wrong question. The actual question before the Court in Citizens United should have been the question posed by a challenge to the corporate regulation component of the federal Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act (BCRA) – Can Congress create different election spending rules for human beings than for corporations?

  • September 2, 2011

    by Jonathan Arogeti

    Those who dissented in Citizens United v. FEC, might have had an unexpected ally in the late former Supreme Court Chief Justice William H. Rehnquist, writes Linda Greenhouse in a New York Times Opinionator blog post.

    Greenhouse points to Rehnquist’s 1978 dissent in First National Bank of Boston v. Bellotti, which overturned a law that banned corporations from spending money in public referenda in a similar 5-4 split decision. (Read his dissent here.) Although he led the Court’s “federalism revolution” in the 1990s as chief justice, as an associate justice, he held the position that Greenhouse says, “[L]iberals occupy today.”

    Rehnquist did not dispute corporate personhood in Bellotti, but he recognized it as “artificial” and not “natural.” Greenhouse continues, “A corporation’s rights were not boundless but, rather, limited, and the place of ‘the right of political expression’ on the list of corporate rights was highly questionable.” The benefits the state bestows upon a corporation, such as “perpetual life and limited liability,” predicted the dissent, might “pose special dangers in the political sphere.”

  • October 8, 2010
    The majority opinion in Citizens United v. FEC, which allows corporations to spend freely on elections, is a "deep danger to our democracy and self-government," says Jeff Clements, general counsel of Free Speech For People.

    Clements, in an interview with ACSblog, said one of the most effective ways of responding to Citizens United is through amending the Constitution, which is not as Clements noted an easy proposition. Nonetheless, he said Citizens United involves a core constitutional issue, which likely requires a constitutional amendment.

    Free Speech For People was founded, Clements said, shortly after Citizens United was handed down and involves a coalition of public interest groups dedicated to overturning the decision. "A deeply divided court ruled that people cannot regulate" corporate money in politics, sweeping aside long-term precedent that allowed such regulations. Clements said his organization has strong bipartisan support in overturning the decision, citing a letter signed by 50 law professors, attorneys and public servants from across the political spectrum. The letter was sent to congressional leaders earlier this week urging them to support a constitutional amendment overturning Citizens United.

    Watch Clements' entire interview below, or click here to download it as a podcast.

  • July 29, 2010
    Guest Post

    By Jeffrey D. Clements. Mr. Clements is former Chief of the Public Protection and Advocacy Bureau in the Massachusetts Attorney General's Office, and now focuses on litigation and appeals with Clements Law Office, LLC. Mr. Clements filed an amicus brief in the Citizens United v. FEC case on behalf of several democracy advocacy organizations, and serves as general counsel of Free Speech for People. Mr. Clements is also author of the ACS Issue Brief, "Beyond Citizens United v. FEC: Re-Examining Corporate Rights."
    A few days ago, Senate Republicans united to defeat the Disclose Act, critical legislation intended to respond to the Supreme Court's invalidation in Citizens United v. FEC of the ban on the use of corporate general treasury funds to make independent political expenditures. The House passed the Act in June. But despite the wishes of large majorities of the American people and of 58 of 100 Senators, the legislation could not get past a Republican filibuster.

    Following the modern and somewhat insulting acronym trend, the formal name of the legislation is the "Democracy Is Strengthened By Casting Light on Spending in Elections Act". The Senate version of the Disclose Act would amend the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971 to restrict political contributions, independent expenditures and electioneering communications by government contractors, recipients of TARP bail-out money, holders of federal off-shore drilling leases, and foreign national corporations. The Act would apply to "corporations and other organizations" and requires reporting and disclosure of the identity of donors to an independent expenditure campaign, disclosure of political spending to shareholders and members, and certification and "stand-by-your-ad" statements by responsible officers of the corporation ("I am XXX and I approve this message.")

    In January, President Obama rightly called the Citizens United decision a "strike at democracy itself." Most Americans agree. According to a recent comprehensive poll about Citizens United, 82% of respondents worried that Congress "will not go far enough to keep corporations from having too much influence," and 77% believe that Congress should promote a Constitutional amendment to address the problem.

    Yet, in a measure of how damaged our democracy has become due to special corporate interest money, a minority of Senators representing a fraction of the American people killed even the modest response of requiring reporting and disclosure of corporate political spending, and restricting such spending by certain foreign corporations and government contractors.

    In doing so, the surreal and undemocratic world of Washington circa 2010 was on full display:

    First, preference for action by a wide majority of the American people and even a wide majority of the US Senate doesn't matter. The bizarre filibuster rule, appearing nowhere in the Constitution, again allowed legislation to "fail" despite the support of 58 Senators representing 3/4 of the States and of the American people. Once again, regardless of the wishes of the other 306 million Americans, those fighting for necessary reform were reduced to begging unsuccessfully for the support of Senators Collins and Snowe, representing the 1.3 million good people of Maine.