Judicial elections

  • August 23, 2011
    Guest Post

    This post is part of an ACSblog symposium in honor of the unveiling of the Martin Luther King Jr. National MemorialThe author, Sherrilyn A. Ifill, is a professor at the University of Maryland School of Law.


    In his speech “Give us the Ballot,” delivered on the third anniversary of the Supreme Court’s Brown v. Board of Education decision, Martin Luther King exhorted to a crowd in Washington, D.C., “give us the ballot and we will place judges on the benches of the South who will do justly and love mercy.” It must have seemed in those days – before the passage of the Voting Rights Act and in the midst of fierce southern judicial opposition to the implementation of Brown v. Board of Education – that this was indeed a simple proposition. If blacks were given the right to vote and participate in elections on an equal basis with whites in the South, the elected judiciary of the South would turn away from the unjust practices against African Americans that then plagued the system.

    And so as we prepare for the ceremony unveiling the monument to Martin Luther King this week, one can only imagine how Dr. King would have responded to a recent report released by the Equal Justice Initiative, the Alabama-based civil rights firm, which reveals that judges in some southern jurisdictions use their judicial override power to impose death sentences on criminal defendants for whom juries had recommended a life sentence without parole. The report is the second in a series of studies conducted by EJI that takes a close look at inequities in the justice system in the South. The first was released last year and documented the alarming and systematic exclusion of African Americans from participation in southern juries in criminal cases. In its most recent report “The Death Penalty in Alabama: Judge Override,” EJI finds that although Alabama law allows judges to override a jury’s sentence of death and impose a life sentence, judicial override is used almost exclusively (92 percent of overrides) to impose death. 

  • April 18, 2011

    In light of increasingly “ugly” and “expensive” judicial elections such as the recent Wisconsin Supreme Court justice race, states should be permitted to impose more limits on judicial campaign spending than they do on other types elections, write University of California, Irvine law school dean Erwin Chemerinsky and Hofstra law professor James J. Sample in The New York Times.

    “More than 7 in 10 Americans believe campaign cash influences judicial decisions. Nearly half of state court judges agree. Never before has there been so much cash in the courts,” the op-ed explains.

    Chemerinsky and Sample urge advocates for abolishing judicial elections to “come to terms” with the reality that “judicial elections are here to stay,” and instead focus their energy on “incremental changes” that will reduce the influence of money on judges. (A New York Times editorial published last week urged the use of a merit panel rather than election to select Wisconsin’s judges.)

    They explain that while states are permitted to impose limits on direct contributions by persons to candidates, states are not permitted to set restrictions on outside spending. Such indirect spending to candidates is ever-increasing: In 2008 for the first time, spending by non-candidate groups nationally exceeded spending by candidates on the ballot.

    “In the legislative and executive offices, it is accepted that special-interest lobbying and campaign spending can influence votes; but that is anathema to our most basic notions of fair judging,” they write. “Thus, the Supreme Court should hold that the compelling interest in ensuring impartial judges is sufficient to permit restrictions on campaign spending that would be unconstitutional for nonjudicial elections.”

    Read the full article here. For more on judicial selection, see an ACSblog video interview with Justice at Stake Executive Director Bert Brandenburg on Caperton v. Massey, a 2009 Supreme Court decision on judicial conflict of interest referenced in the op-ed.