Justice John Paul Stevens

  • January 20, 2012
    Humor

    by John Schachter

    Stephen Colbert gave new meaning to “Justice delayed is justice denied” when he interviewed a surprisingly game former Supreme Court Justice John Paul Stevens. Colbert apparently didn’t realize (wink, wink) that Stevens had retired from the high court but reluctantly forges ahead with the interview nonetheless.

    The meat of the interview was a discussion of the court’s controversial Citizens United decision, coming up on its two-year anniversary. While Colbert insisted that corporations are exactly like people and deserving of all the same rights, Stevens parried quite effectively. “As with natural persons as well as corporate persons, some have different rights than others do,” Stevens explained. “The same rights don’t apply to everyone in every possible situation.”

    At 91 years, Stevens makes 90-years old Hollywood star Betty White seem old by comparison. His quick wit and sharp legal mind were on full display during the nearly 7-minute interview. The highlight? Colbert asked Stevens if there were any decisions he made that he later regretted. Said Stevens in response, “Other than this interview? I don’t think so.”

  • June 28, 2010
    Guest Post

    By Brian Stull, Staff Attorney, ACLU Capital Punishment Project
    "Society changes. Knowledge accumulates. We learn, sometimes, from our mistakes. Punishments that did not seem cruel and unusual at one time may, in the light of reason and experience, be found cruel and unusual at a later time." These were the eloquent words of retiring Justice John Paul Stevens in Graham v. Florida, in which the Supreme Court this term decided that the punishment of life without parole for minors who did not kill is cruel and unusual punishment. But Justice Stevens' words apply with equal force to his approach to the death penalty during his nearly 35-year tenure on the Court, which regrettably ends today.

    The ACLU has long opposed capital punishment. By contrast, in 1976, Justice Stevens voted to uphold the capital statutes passed in response to the Supreme Court's 1972 decision in Furman v. Georgia. However, since then, he has repeatedly sought to eliminate unfairness in the application of the death penalty and to ensure that it was inflicted on only "the worst of the worst."

    Justice Stevens wrote the court's opinion barring the death penalty for mentally retarded people as cruel and unusual punishment (link to Atkins v. Virginia). He joined the majority in several similar rulings, finding execution to be cruel and unusual punishment for adult rape, for participants in felonies resulting in death who did not themselves kill, intend to kill or intend that a killing take place, for juveniles who kill, and for the rape of a child.

    Gradually, Justice Stevens began to have doubts about the fairness of capital punishment. As the Court retreated from its promise that the death penalty would be applied rationally, reliably and consistently or not at all, Justice Stevens became an eloquent voice in dissent.

  • June 4, 2010

    During a recent ACS event reflecting on the legacy of Justice John Paul Stevens, who is retiring from the Supreme Court after serving 34 years, Cliff Sloan, a former law clerk to Stevens, and a prominent commentator about the Court, described some of the qualities that he said makes Stevens the greatest justice in the Court's history.

    Sloan said Stevens exhibited extraordinary leadership on "enforcing the law in a time of war," citing a trilogy of decisions involving Guantanamo Bay detainees. At other times of war, when there have been claims of unfettered executive branch power, the Supreme court "flinched," Sloan said. But not during Stevens' tenure, he said.

    On questions of personal freedom and liberty, Sloan said that Justice Stevens "re-fashioned" the Court's framework for how it handled questions of personal freedom. Stevens, Sloan said, shifted the jurisprudence from a privacy framework to a liberty framework, and as a result it is much more firmly grounded.

    Sloan noted that one example centered on sexual orientation. In Bowers v. Hardwick, Justice Stevens dissented from the majority's conclusion that a criminal ban on sodomy was constitutionally permissible. Seventeen years later, Justice Kennedy wrote [in Lawrence v. Texas] that Justice Stevens was right in Bowers, his opinion should have controlled, and it controls now, Sloan said. And Stevens' dissent in Bowers talks about the "abiding interest in liberty," Sloan noted. Such a shift, Sloan maintained, was a historic accomplishment. For more on Sloan's thoughts on Justice Stevens' career on the high court, see his SCOTUSblog post here.

    The event also featured observations from the following former Stevens' law clerks: James Liebman, Melissa Hart, Deborah Pearlstein, Amanda Leiter and Jamal Greene. Watch video of the event here or by clicking picture.

  • June 4, 2010
    Guest Post

    By James Liebman, Simon H. Rifkind Professor of Law, Columbia Law School. Professor Liebman was a law clerk for Justice Stevens, 1978 - 1979. His following post is adapted from comments he made at a recent ACS event examining Justice Stevens' judicial career.
    Thank you for having me, even if I do get the role of the oldest clerk standing.

    I'll mention two of Justice Stevens' legacies, which might be described as "something new and borrowed (or shared)" and "something old and blue."

    By "new and shared" I refer to a jurisprudential innovation Justice Stevens joined Justice Stewart in developing to interpret the Eighth Amendment. The work of dozens of cases over decades, I can only briefly summarize it here.

    The Eighth Amendment presents the starkest counter-majoritarian dilemma: It obligates judges to invalidate penal laws and verdicts that impose "cruel and unusual punishment," but gives them only those four infinitely ambiguous words to use to figure out how to meet that obligation. The temptation to suffuse decisions with the judge's own religious, moral or political views is palpable.

    In a dozen cases going back to the mid-1970s and culminating in the Graham v. Florida (juvenile life without parole) decision two weeks ago, the Court came up with a solution. Justice Stevens is the only Justice who joined all of those decisions that remain good law, and in 2002 he wrote the crowning example of them - Atkins v. Virginia, invalidating the death penalty for mentally retarded offenders.

    This better solution is for the justices to inform their Eighth Amendment judgments by relying on literally thousands of decisions of coordinate democratic institutions made nationally, over years, to reveal a "modern consensus" as to the appropriate punishment for particular crimes or offenders.

    Under this approach, the Court takes a current head count and reviews the recent trends in (1) penal laws enacted by all state and federal jurisdictions; (2) how frequently sentencers actually impose a permissible punishment; and (3) the judgments of other democratic nations. Although the Court reaches its own conclusion, it does so in the shade of - and in every case so far, has done so consistently with - the decisions of these other democratic institutions.

    Justices Stewart and Stevens took this innovation a step further in addressing the constitutionality of the death penalty for murder. In their jointly authored opinion in Gregg v. Georgia, they concluded that the death penalty for murder is neither always constitutional nor always unconstitutional. They then read the Cruel and Unusual Punishment Clause - what looks like a substantive limitation - to impose procedural requirements that in effect enlist the nation's 50-odd criminal justice systems in generating a democratic consensus on the murders for which death is appropriate.

  • June 3, 2010
    Guest Post

    By Amanda C. Leiter, Associate Professor of Law, The Catholic University of America, Columbus School of Law. Professor Leiter was a law clerk for Justice Sevens, 2003-2004. Her following post is adapted from comments she made today at an ACS event examining the legacy of Justice Stevens. Video of the event will be available soon on the ACS Web site and blog.
    I want to share my thoughts in two areas.

    First, the personal. I haven't seen much commentary on Stevens' views of women in the workplace, so I thought it was worth mentioning that when I started clerking for him in the summer of 2003, I had a 6 month old son. Then last summer, I was home on maternity leave with my then-3 month old daughter when Stevens called and asked whether I'd like to be appointed to brief and argue a case in the Court (needless to say, I said yes!).

    In both instances, Stevens neither ignored my parenting responsibilities nor let me hide behind them. When I was clerking for him, for example, he kindly forgave me a few times when childcare emergencies called me away from my desk. But he never relaxed his substantive expectations of me.

    Both during the clerkship and last summer, Stevens' quiet certainty that I could carry on my professional life even while keeping my various parenting balls in the air gave me the confidence to do just that, and I will always be grateful to him for believing in me at those critical points and jumpstarting my return to the workforce.

    On a professional level, I wanted to share a few thoughts on Stevens' environmental jurisprudence, since that's my area.

    No one would characterize Justice Stevens as a tree hugger. He hasn't spent his tenure on the Court crusading for - or against - open space, or endangered species protections, or clean water.

    As his friend Ken Manaster has noted, there's some irony in this, because Justice Stevens replaced Justice Douglas, "nature's justice," who ardently advocated for a more proactive role for judges in environmental disputes - for the development of substantive, court-made environmental law. By contrast, Justice Stevens believes that courts should play quite a limited role in reviewing agency action, even in cases involving threats to the environment.

    That said, Stevens' view of the limited role of the courts has had an important and I would argue positive consequence for the environmental movement.