plea bargaining

  • March 26, 2012
    Guest Post

    By Mary Schmid Mergler, senior counsel for The Constitution Project’s Criminal Justice Program. Mergler is the coauthor with Christopher Durocher of the ACS Issue Brief previewing several several of this term's Supreme Court cases, The ‘Right-to-Counsel Term.’"


    This week the Supreme Court issued three critically important decisions implicating the constitutional right to counsel. Martinez v. Ryan affects the right to counsel during the state collateral appeal process, while Lafler v. Cooper andMissouri v. Frye will impact the right to counsel long before appeal, before trial even, during plea negotiations. 

    Martinez v. Ryan

    As a fundamental rule in post-conviction review of state criminal convictions, a federal court cannot consider claims that were denied in state court based on an established state procedural rule—a doctrine known as procedural default. The only way for the federal court to consider a claim that has been procedurally defaulted is to find that “cause” existed to excuse the default and “prejudice” resulted.  Based on the Supreme Court’s decision in Coleman v. Thompson, attorney errors during collateral proceedings do not constitute “cause” to excuse procedural default, since no constitutional right to counsel on collateral appeal exists. 

    In Martinez’s case, the first time he was permitted under Arizona law to raise an ineffective-assistance-of-trial counsel (IATC) claim was on collateral appeal; Arizona prohibits IATC claims from being raised on direct appeal. However, without Martinez’s consent, the attorney appointed to represent him on collateral appeal waived his IATC claim, so when he raised it in a successive state petition, it was denied for not having been raised in the initial appeal. And when he subsequently raised it in a federal habeas petition, it was denied based on the doctrine of procedural default. 

  • March 22, 2012

    by Nicole Flatow

    The U.S. Supreme Court significantly expanded the right to counsel in a pair of decisions issued Wednesday that established defendants’ right to the effective assistance of a lawyer during plea negotiations.

    “Criminal justice today is for the most part a system of pleas, not a system of trials,” Justice Anthony M. Kennedy wrote for the five-justice majority. “The right to adequate assistance of counsel cannot be defined or enforced without taking account of the central role plea bargaining takes in securing convictions and determining sentences.”

    Kennedy added that the right to effective assistance of counsel applies to “all ‘critical’ stages of the criminal proceedings.”

    About 97 percent of convictions in federal court are the result of plea bargains and not a trial, according to The New York Times.

    Widener University law professor Wesley M. Oliver told The Times the decisions constitute “the single greatest revolution in the criminal justice process since Gideon v. Wainwright provided indigents the right to counsel.”

  • October 4, 2011
    Guest Post

    By The Constitution Project’s Mary Schmid Mergler and Christopher Durocher. Schmid, senior counsel, and Dorucher, government affairs counsel, are the authors of an ACS Issue Brief released today, “The ‘Right-to-Counsel Term.’"


    Today, the Supreme Court is hearing argument in two cases related to the right to counsel, the first two in a collection of cases this fall that has earned the October 2011 Term the nickname “Right-to-Counsel Term.” Three other cases are slated for argument later this fall.  We examine these cases in greater depth in our new ACS Issue Brief.

    Martinez v. Ryan and Maples v. Allen kick-off the Right-to-Counsel Term by raising the question of what, if any, right to effective counsel a defendant can expect in post-conviction proceedings.  In Martinez, the Court will consider whether the right to counsel should extend to ineffective assistance of counsel claims in a first state habeas petition if the defendant was prohibited from raising such claims during his direct appeal (when the state is required to provide him with counsel).  In Maples, the Court is being asked to decide whether a habeas petitioner is entitled to an equitable exception to the Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act’s (AEDPA) procedural default rules when a defendant has been completely abandoned by counsel.  In both cases, the defendants have legitimate claims that they were prevented from raising on post-conviction appeal due to counsel’s errors.  And in both cases, fundamental fairness requires that these individuals, who will otherwise lose their right to challenge their convictions due solely to the errors or carelessness of their counsel, be permitted to raise those claims. 

  • September 27, 2011
    Guest Post

    By Inimai M. Chettiar, Policy Counsel at the American Civil Liberties Union. Ms. Chettiar serves as national legislative counsel to achieve smart criminal justice reform in states across the country. She has published scholarship on the use of economic analysis to promote laws advancing social welfare.


    Yesterday’s New York Times article highlighting the coercive practice of plea bargaining is not news to advocates of criminal justice reform. Over the last three decades, this country’s excessively long sentencing schemes, inflexible mandatory minimum laws, and arbitrary three-strikes-you’re-out legislation have created a “justice” system in which prosecutors wield ridiculous amounts of leverage to extract guilty pleas from defendants. NYU’s Rachel Barkow sums it up best: “When you have that attitude you penalize people who have the nerve to go to trial.” Almost 100 percent of federal defendants plead guilty.

    Our criminal justice system has made a farce of our constitutional rights to a fair trial before our peers, to effective representation by legal counsel, and to equal protection under the law. In a misguided attempt to be "tough on crime," the United States has chosen the irrational tactic of pouring billions of dollars into building more prisons and jails (and arresting and prosecuting more low-level and nonviolent offenses) while cutting back services to help people stay out of them. We increasingly throw people into the system for absurdly petty crimes, incarcerate people presumed innocent even before they have their day in court (often for months or years before trial), provide them with subpar defense resources, ensure that they remain imprisoned in humiliating and inhumane conditions for excessively long periods of time, and then release them with nothing more than the shirts on their backs and criminal records.

    All these practices, among others, have led us to become the largest incarcerator in the world.