Racial justice

  • February 22, 2012
    Guest Post

    By James H. Carr, Chief Business Officer for the National Community Reinvestment Coalition


    The January 20, 2012 New York Times article titled “Blacks Face Bias in Bankruptcy, Study Suggests” reports on a soon-to-be-released study showing significant disparities in the treatment of white versus black clients facing bankruptcy. The study’s reported results are disturbing but neither surprising nor unexpected. African Americans continue to face major obstacles to succeeding economically in America. A preponderance of data and studies demonstrate blacks continue to face unfair barriers across the opportunity spectrum, from securing employment for which they are qualified and receiving equal pay and promotions, to accessing mainstream banking products, including safe and affordable mortgage credit. Now, it’s been documented that blacks also face bias in restructuring debt after a personal financial crisis.

    The irony of this situation is, of course, that blacks are more likely to face financial crises directly as a result of multiple barriers they face accessing opportunities based solely on their race. The study is reported to have found that African Americans are twice as likely to be steered toward higher cost and less sustainable Chapter 13 bankruptcy filings, versus lower cost and more effective Chapter 11 filings, even when the financial characteristics of the clients are identical. This result parallels, for example, the propensity of blacks to have been steered toward high cost and unsustainable subprime mortgage loans during the years leading up to the recent foreclosure crisis. Research from the Center for Responsible Lending showed that in 2004 African Americans were more likely to receive subprime loans than white borrowers, even when risk factors such as credit scores were taken into consideration. Not only did that excessive peddling of reckless mortgage products to blacks result in their having experienced foreclosures at a disproportionately higher rate than white borrowers, but also, blacks are over-represented in the ranks of the long-term unemployed which has also grown as a result of the financial crisis.

  • February 21, 2012

    by Jeremy Leaming

    The U.S. Supreme Court’s conservative majority is seemingly preparing to provide a potentially fatal blow to affirmative action policy. After the high court announced earlier today that it would consider Fisher v. Texas, a white college student’s challenge to the University of Texas’ affirmative action policy, The Huffington Post’s Mike Sacks wrote, that affirmative action was heading back to the high court “and this time its prospects for survival are poorer than ever.”

    As Sacks notes, in 2003 the Supreme Court upheld by a 5-4 vote in Grutter v. Bollinger that the University of Michigan law school’s affirmative action program was constitutional. The law school’s policy, in part, was based on a longstanding commitment to “one particular type of diversity,” that is, “racial and ethnic diversity with special reference to the inclusion of students from groups which have been historically discriminated against, like, African-Americans, Hispanics and Native Americans, who without this commitment might not be represented in our student body in a meaningful manner.”

    The lower federal court in the Grutter case found Michigan’s use of race as a factor in admissions was unconstitutional. The federal appeals court, however, overruled that opinion.

    Retired Supreme Court Justice Sandra Day O’Connor wrote the majority opinion in Grutter. She noted that part of the reason Michigan used race as a factor in higher education admissions policies was to create a richer educational experience. She said the majority would defer to the school’s “educational mission.” O’Connor noted that the briefs supporting the school “substantiated” the “educational benefits” of its affirmative action policy. Those friend-of-the-court briefs, O’Connor wrote included “expert studies and reports entered into evidence at trial,” and “numerous studies show[ing] that student body diversity promotes learning outcomes, and ‘better prepares students for an increasingly diverse workforce and society, and better prepares them as professionals.’”

    O’Connor, moreover, said the law school had not employed a rigid quota system in trying to achieve its goal of bringing underrepresented minorities into the fold. “The Law School’s current admissions program considers race as one factor among many, in an effort to assemble a student body that is diverse in ways broader than race,” she wrote.

  • February 2, 2012
    BookTalk
    Richard Thompson Ford
    Rights Gone Wrong
    By: 
    How Law Corrupts the Struggle for Equality

    By Richard Thompson Ford, George E. Osborne Professor of Law at Stanford University


    Since the 1960s, the ideas developed during the civil rights movement have dominated American thinking about social justice. Courts and governmental agencies enforce legal prohibitions against discrimination; private businesses and universities follow suit, fashioning their own diversity policies. Even private individuals think about race relations in civil-rights terms: we aspire to the ideal of “colorblindness” and condemn the evils “discrimination” and “bias.” American civil rights legislation has been a model for other nations and the American civil rights movement has inspired important struggles against injustice, such as the South African anti-apartheid movement and the international movement for gay rights.

    When it comes to outright discrimination and overt prejudice, civil rights have been an astonishing success. But today’s most serious social injustices aren’t caused by bias and bigotry. For instance, in the context of race, they stem from segregation — a legacy of past racism but not by and large the result of ongoing discrimination — and the many disadvantages that follow from living in isolated, economically depressed and crime-ridden neighborhoods. In my new book, Rights Gone Wrong: How Law Corrupts the Struggle for Equality, I show that civil rights litigation and activism have hardly made a dent in these formidable obstacles. In fact, civil rights thinking can distract attention from the real problems, emphasizing dramatic incidents that aren’t good examples of the larger injustices.

    Civil rights haven’t been a panacea for the illness of social prejudice, but like a patient who keeps popping pills because the prescription isn’t working, we’re now at risk of an overdose. Civil rights litigation has exploded since the 1970s, far outpacing the growth in civil litigation generally. In 1991 the federal courts heard about 8,300 employment discrimination cases; in 2000 they heard over 22,000. Civil rights laws, properly framed and limited, serve a vital social purpose, but too many civil rights can be as bad as too few, and an overly aggressive civil rights regime can be as destructive as an ineffectual one.

  • January 16, 2012
    Guest Post

    By Cedric Ricks, Communications Associate, National Fair Housing Alliance


    Nearly 46 years ago, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. led a 1966 summer march in Chicago's Marquette Park demanding fair housing. King protested a dual housing market, in which whites were free to reside wherever they could afford, but African-Americans were barred from many parts of Chicago and in other American cities because of restrictive covenants, social practice and discrimination in lending

    Before he left Chicago, King referred to the historic protest as "a first-step in a 1,000-mile journey." Since then real progress has been made with the passage of the federal Fair Housing Act of 1968 - passed one week after King's assassination - and the enactment of the Equal Credit Opportunity Act of 1974.

    But to achieve a broad affirmative vision of fair housing many additional steps are still needed. It's entirely fitting we consider what comes next as our nation honors Dr. King's birthday with a federal holiday.

    Congress took an important step forward toward equality and justice with the creation of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, and President Obama advanced even further this month by appointing former Ohio Attorney General Richard Cordray to lead the Bureau.  

    The CFPB has one central mission: to make the market for consumer financial products and services work for ALL consumers, responsible providers and the economy as a whole. To accomplish its mission, the Bureau seeks to promote transparency and consumer choice while preventing unfair, deceptive and discriminatory practices.

  • January 12, 2012
    Guest Post

    By Tomiko Brown-Nagin, Munford Boyd Professor of Law, Justice Thurgood Marshall Distinguished Professor of Law, and Professor of History at the University of Virginia. She is the author of Courage to Dissent: Atlanta and the Long History of the Civil Rights Movement.


    Judge Robert L. Carter passed away last week. I had the honor of serving as a law clerk to the judge and found that experience profoundly rewarding. The judge, a brilliant man best known for his role as a chief strategist in Brown v. Board of Education, inspired me and many others. I share memories of my experience with him to shed light on his stupendous legal ability, his character, and his contributions as a mentor who taught invaluable lessons about life and the law. 

    As a NAACP Legal Defense Fund lawyer, Judge Carter litigated Briggs v. Elliott, the South Carolina case consolidated with four others as Brown. We initially bonded over my South Carolina roots: he had a hand in my life’s trajectory, and he knew it. I, in turn, saw in the judge a model of professional success and outstanding moral character. Each day, he made something extraordinary seem ordinary:  the idea that one individual could touch another’s life and radically alter its course. After spending a year in the presence of this great man — a lawyer who faced racial threats and insults merely for practicing his profession — a clerk for Judge Carter could scarcely contemplate disengagement from the world. The judge’s life and work taught social responsibility.

    Over the course of his career as a lawyer, Judge Carter earned a reputation as a man of strong convictions, unyielding principle, and great passion. Carter earned the reputation when, as Thurgood Marshall’s lieutenant, he consistently took the most “radical” view among LDF strategists, and when he resigned as General Counsel of the NAACP to support a colleague’s right to criticize the Warren Court. Yet, the judge, a Nixon appointee, taught me that success in the legal profession requires a clear head, a balanced and context-specific assessment of a problem, and a judicious temperament. He conveyed that passion for one’s work or causes can be productive, only if coupled with strategic thinking and professionalism.

    The judge taught this lesson in chambers on many occasions. In a long-running class action employment discrimination suit he once counseled that it would be counterproductive to coerce compliance with his orders, despite the defendant’s continued resistance to opening job opportunities to the plaintiffs. Sanctions might have been ordered in that case. But the judge had presided over the action for years. Knowing the parties and issues very well, he concluded that it made no sense to force this defendant into submission at that particular moment in time. Judges should neither look for, nor create, confrontations where they can be avoided. A judge might effectively invoke the full force of his powers on some occasions, but on others a thoughtful judge might choose not make a big show of his full powers. Good judging required knowing when to do which. 

    The judge also taught judiciousness through his writings about Brown. Not content to bask in the afterglow of his great achievement, the judge critiqued the legal strategy in Brown. He found a paradox. Brown served the U.S.’s geopolitical interests, and in many ways, propelled race relations forward in this country. But, ironically, in the public schools context, Brown proved a tremendous disappointment. The federal judges charged with articulating rights, and local officials charged with implementing legal remedies, ultimately bear the blame for Brown’s mixed legacy in the schools. However, Judge Carter also found fault with himself and his colleagues. The lawyers, he said, fixated on the constitutional dimensions of Brown, when the case also touched upon critically important matters of educational philosophy and pedagogy. The attorneys did not seriously contemplate, much less adequately define, quality education. That limitation left generations of black students adrift in schools, subject to social experimentation, or worse, educational malpractice.