Sen. Jamie Raskin

  • December 19, 2011

    by Jeremy Leaming

    Newt Gingrich’s outlandish commentary on so-called radical judges is garnering, rightfully so, plenty of attention, but as American University Law Professor Jamie Raskin writes in this piece for The Huffington Post, there are other Republican presidential candidates, whose positions on the judiciary are just as worrisome.

    Raskin, also a Maryland State senator, noted that Gingrich’s “outbursts against judicial independence” have raised the hackles of a number of prominent conservatives. And one can see why he says. During the last GOP debate, Gingrich’s comments about the judicial branch, Raskin says, “were divorced from reality and indeed comical for a self-proclaimed ‘historian.’ He called the courts ‘grotesquely dictatorial, far too powerful, and … arrogant in their misreading of the American people.’”

    In particular Gingrich claimed he was seriously peeved over the federal appeals court opinion that found constitutionally suspect the practice of reciting in public schools the Pledge of Allegiance, which was made religious during the Eisenhower administration with the assertion of the words “under God.” That decision, as Raskin notes, was later reversed by the U.S. Supreme Court. Nonetheless, Gingrich bandied about that federal appeals court opinion, along with a few others, to blast the federal courts and claim that if he were president he’d take action to reign judges in. (On a CBS’s “Face the Nation,” Gingrich said there is “no reason the American people need to tolerate a judge that is out of touch with American culture,” and that if he were president he’d order federal Marshalls to arrest such judges.)

    But Raskin warns that voters who care about an independent judiciary should not be lulled into believing that Mitt Romney is any better on the matter.  

    Raskin points out that “Romney’s new constitutional advisor is none other than former Judge Robert Bork, an astounding selection to head up the Governor’s legal and constitutional affairs advisory team. Bork is a fiercely pro-corporate, anti-voting rights, anti-choice, anti-feminist, pro-censorship, anti-gay, anti-free speech, anti-separation of church and state, and evolution-denying ideologue who has described the 9th Amendment to the Constitution defending the rights of the people as ‘an inkblot’ and called for allowing Supreme Court constitutional decisions to be overturned by majority vote in Congress as well as a constitutional amendment to deny gay people the right to marry.”

  • July 27, 2011
    Guest Post

    By Jamie Raskin, a Maryland State Senator representing Silver Spring and Takoma Park, and a professor of constitutional law at American University Washington College of Law, where he directs the Program on Law and Government. He was a lead sponsor of the Religious Freedom and Civil Marriage Protection Act, which passed the Maryland Senate earlier this year and, as floor leader, managed several days of legislative debate on the measure. Raskin is a Senior Fellow at People For the American Way.


    Advocates of marriage equality in Maryland are delighted that our Governor, Martin O’Malley, has decided to introduce a marriage bill next year and throw himself with vigor into this important fight for equal rights for gay and lesbian Marylanders.  As a lead sponsor of this year’s legislation in the State Senate--where it passed on a vote of 25-21, I have a strong sense that the Governor’s decision puts us on a clear path to victory in the House of Delegates--and soon.

    To be clear, I am not one who ever faulted O’Malley (pictured) for the way things fell apart in the House of Delegates in spring of 2011. Those of you watching the Bermuda Triangle-style events that took place there may recall that freshman Democratic sponsors of the bill dropped off, pleading ignorance of its meaning, while other Delegates decided to play “Let’s-Make-a-Deal” with this major piece of civil rights legislation, offering their votes only in return for a juicy piece of legislative pork for their districts.  It’s true that a robust lobbying effort by the Governor might have tamed some of the wilder behavior displayed on the House side, but even the extremely able and popular House Speaker, Michael Busch, could not put out the strange political brushfires that seemed to break out on a daily basis.  Three of his six Committee Chairmen themselves took a walk on us, along with one member of his Democratic whip hierarchy. The Speaker finally made the call to send the bill back to Committee without a floor vote.

    I am not sure what anyone could have done in that environment to turn things around. We can’t forget that the bill that passed the Senate was a sturdy and sea-worthy vehicle that reconciled every conceivable legitimate desire for religious liberty exemption with the overriding constitutional and legal command of equal rights under law. We can’t forget that there were seven -- yes, seven -- openly gay and demonstrably eloquent Delegates in the House who beseeched their colleagues from the floor to do the right thing. (In the Senate, we have only one, the estimable Rich Madaleno.) We can’t forget that every House Republican voted against us whereas, on the Senate side, the Minority Leader, the refreshingly old-fashioned Allan Kittleman, actually gave up his party leadership post in order to support the bill and show that the party of Lincoln still has a heartbeat, however lonely and faint. We also can’t forget that there was a huge conservative religious mobilization in the state against marriage equality after we saw victory in the Senate and that Maryland, after all, was the Catholic colony back in the day.  

  • January 24, 2011
    Guest Post

    By Jamie Raskin. Mr. Raskin is a Maryland State Senator, a constitutional law professor at American University, and a Senior Fellow at People for the American Way. He introduced SB 690, which became in April 2010 the first Benefit Corporation law in America. This post is part of an ACSblog symposium marking the one-year anniversary of the landmark decision Citizens United v. FEC.
    You never change things by fighting the existing reality. To change something, build a new model that that makes the existing model obsolete. -- Buckminster Fuller

    The modern American corporation is bound by law to pursue a single objective in everything it does: increasing company profit. If it deviates from profit maximization, shareholders can bring the house down in a derivative suit.

    This relentless profit motivation works wonders financially but is dangerous to the common good. For what is profitable for one company may not be beneficial for everyone. This is why popular forces in America have always tried to build regulatory fences around corporations to contain the damage of their "externalities," such as catastrophic oil spills in the ocean, collapsing oil mines that kill the parents of small children, consumer fraud, sickening peanut butter and food-borne diseases, economic monopolies, mortgage scams, stock market rip-offs, economic crashes and so on.

    Perhaps the most important fence hemming in corporate power has been the ban on corporate political spending. This is the first line of defense for popular democracy because it allows our representative institutions sufficient freedom from corporate influence to set up the other fences that we need. To get meaningful food and drug safety laws, consumer protection laws, workplace equity laws, and clean water laws, we need campaign finance laws that permit representatives in Congress and the state legislatures to be elected in a way that is free of corporate control and manipulation.

    The Supreme Court in Citizens United v. FEC demolished our first line of defense against corporate control of our representative institutions. Five corporate-minded justices -- let's call them "Justices United" -- not only tore down the fence guarding popular democracy but seriously trashed the fence protecting the "free market," which is democracy's next-door neighbor.